The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
Monday, the 26thDay of July 2021. I am dedicating this Day of my life to the Antislavery Campaign of 2021, the Repeal PRWORA Project, the Great Awakening Movement. I will not wrestle or struggle against people but, I will confront spiritual wickedness in highest places.
My claims about my CIA Connection would not be validated or verified by the United States, India, or Tibet while none of these parties can refute the fact of my existence. I designate myself as ‘the Unknown Soldier of America’ for I am trained by a professional army and served to defend the US security interests without obtaining an Identification Document issued by the US. I voluntarily chose to serve in the Army to defend Freedom, Democracy, Peace, Justice, and Human Rights.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
On the 26thDay of July 1970, I started my military training to participate in the CIA’s Secret War in Occupied Tibet. In the man’s plan, I exist as a mere pawn used in War on Communism, the legacy of the Cold War Era of Geopolitics. What is God’s Plan for my life?
On Monday, the 26thDay of July 2021, I confess that I have not arrived at the destination of my life. I continue to struggle for my personal freedom and human rights. I continue to wrestle against the dark forces keeping Tibetans away from freedom.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
On this day, July 26, 1947, President Harry Truman signed the National Security Act that set up the Central Intelligence Agency. The Cold WarEra secret diplomacy shaped the course of my life that began in Mylapore, Madras, Chennai. My Life’s Journey from Mylapore to Chakrata, Uttarakhand and later to Ann Arbor, Michigan is a direct consequence of my CIA Connection destined on July 26, 1970.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
I was granted Short Service Regular Commission in the Indian Army Medical Corps in the rank of Lieutenant on July 26, 1970. On completion of my military training, I received the promotion, the substantive rank of Captain with effect from July 26, 1971. My first posting of Military Service sent me to Special Frontier Force, Headquarters Establishment No. 22/Vikas Regiment, Chakrata in support of the CIA’s Mission in South Asia. I describe “My CIA Connection” as ‘Kasturi-Sarvepalli-Mylapore-Madras-India-Tibet-US Connection’.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
On July 26, 1986, I left Muscat, Oman to arrive in the United States in search of the Final Destination of my Life.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
On Monday, July 26, 2021, I live in Ann Arbor, Michigan still hoping to arrive at the Final Destination of my Life. My CIA Connection may either sanction Slavery in the United States or imprisonment in the Enemy’s Camp.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
July 26th, 2021. This Day of my life. My CIA connection was made possible because of the Cold War Era secret diplomacy to wage war against Communism.
This Day in My Life – July 26 – My CIA Connection. God’s Calendar predestined meeting between Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and the US President Harry Truman. Cold War History. War on Communism.
President Harry S. Truman signs the National Security Act, which becomes one of the most important pieces of Cold War legislation. The act established much of the bureaucratic framework for foreign policy making for the next 40-plus years of the Cold War.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
July 26th, 2021. This day of my life. My CIA connection is made possible by President Harry Truman’s war against Communism.
This Day in My Life – July 26 – My CIA Connection. God’s Calendar predestined events of my Life’s Journey From Mylapore, Madras to Ann Arbor, Michigan. Thanks to US President Harry S. Truman’s War on Communism.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
July 26th, 2021. This day of my life. My CIA connection is the product of The Cold War Era geopolitics.
This Day in My Life – July 26 – My CIA Connection. Cold War Era History. God’s Calendar predestined events of My Life’s Journey From Mylapore, Madras to Ann Arbor, Michigan. Thanks to US President Harry S. Truman’s War on Communism.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
July 26th, 2021. This Day of my life. My CIA connection promises to impose either slavery in the US or imprisonment in the Enemy’s Camp. Man’s plan vs God’s plan will decide the ultimate outcome.
This Day in My Life – July 26 – My CIA Connection. In Man’s Plan, I exist as mere Pawn used in War on Communism, Legacy of Cold War Era Geopolitics. What is God’s Plan?
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
on The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of AmeriEditThe Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of AmericMonday, the 26th Day of July 2021. I am dedicating this Day of my life to the Antislavery Campaign of 2021, the Repeal PRWORA Project, the Great Awakening Movement. I will not wrestle or struggle against people but, I will confront spiritual wickedness in highes
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
Antislavery Campaign of 2021. The Commemoration of the National Security Act of 1947 by the Unknown Soldier of America.
Reflections on the 50th Anniversary of Bangladesh Independence Day
The term ‘Refugee’ has entered my life story with the tragic humanitarian crisis in Bangladesh. The term ‘Refugee’ is also central to my military mission in the Special Frontier Force where I worked with thousands of Refugees who were brutally expelled from Occupied Tibet. On March 26, 2021, the term ‘Refugee’ is still the central focus of my life story. My direct, physical involvement with the problems of Refugees from Bangladesh and Tibet has impacted my life journey and today I think of myself as a Refugee without Refuge while I may live in a Free Country.
March 26, 2021. Musings on the 50th Anniversary of Bangladesh Independence Day
March 26, 2021. Musings on 50th Anniversary of Bangladesh Independence Day.
I was granted Short Service Regular Commission in the Indian Army Medical Corps during September 1969 while I was studying in Kurnool Medical College, Kurnool, Andhra Pradesh, India. On March 26, 1971 I was serving in the Military Hospital, Ambala Cantonment, Haryana, India undergoing the professional training to serve as a Medical Officer in the Indian Army Medical Corps. It was becoming increasingly clear that a huge crisis was brewing up in East Pakistan with immediate consequences to my military career. It did not take too long for the real possibility of War between India and Pakistan to materialize on account of a major influx of Bangla refugees into India from East Pakistan.
March 26, 2021. Musings on 50th Anniversary of Bangladesh Independence Day.
On July 26, 1971, I finished my professional training and was granted two months of annual leave. Just after a month of my leave, I received a telegram at my home in Rajahmundry, that asked me to immediately report back to my military dutyat the Military Hospital in Ambala. On September 22, 1971, I was promptly dispatched to serve in Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment to begin my military career as a Medical Officer and got fully involved in the launching of military action to initiate the Liberation of Bangladesh.
March 26, 2021. Musings on the 50th Anniversary of Bangladesh Independence Day. The term ‘Refugee’ has become the central focus of my Life Journey.
The term ‘Refugee’ has entered my life story with the tragic humanitarian crisis in Bangladesh. The term ‘Refugee’ is also central to my military mission in the Special Frontier Force where I worked with thousands of Refugees who were brutally expelled from Occupied Tibet. On March 26, 2021, the term ‘Refugee’ is still the central focus of my life story. My direct, physical involvement with the problems of Refugees from Bangladesh and Tibet has impacted my life journey and today I think of myself as a Refugee without Refuge while I may live in a Free Country.
March 26, 2021. Musings on the 50th Anniversary of Bangladesh Independence Day. My Connection with Bangla and Tibetan Refugees in India.
I am pleased to share the blog post titled “Looking Away From Genocide” authored by Gary J Bass, Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University. This blog includes excerpts from the conversation between US President Richard M Nixon, and US National Security Adviser Dr. Henry Alfred Kissinger. President Nixon makes a direct comparison to the slaughter in East Pakistan to other atrocities against humanity and asks Kissinger for his opinion on Biafra massacre(Nigeria) and the persecution of Jews in Germany by Hitler. President Nixon reveals his personal understanding of such historical events in this brief conversation and it would have a most chilling effect on any reader. I am not surprised to note that Kissinger had no interest in formulating a true national security policy. He was totally obsessed with his own plans to dominate the foreign policy conversation and getting rid of William P Rogers, the US Secretary of State. In the face of such moral bankruptcy, India’s Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had boldly launched her Secret War in East Pakistan and I am glad that I had participated in the training of Bengali guerrilla fighters and later initiated the Liberation of Bangladesh on 03 November, 1971 with military action in the Chittagong Hill Tracts with attacks on Pakistani border posts deep inside the enemy territory.
SERVICE INFORMATION:
R. Rudra Narasimham, B.Sc., M.B.B.S., Personal Numbers:MS-8466/MR-03277K. Rank: Major. Branch:Army Medical Corps/Short Service Regular Commission(1969-1972); Direct Permanent Commission(1973-1984). Designation:Medical Officer. Unit:Establishment No.22(1971-1974)/South Column,Operation Eagle(1971-1972). Organization: Special Frontier Force.
NOVEMBER 20, 2013
LOOKING AWAY FROM GENOCIDE
March 26, 2021. Reflections on the 50th Anniversary of Bangladesh Independence Day.
US President Richard M Nixon in his taped conversation with US National Security Adviser Dr. Henry Kissinger reveals his personal understanding of historical events such as the persecution of Jews in Germany by Hitler, the massacre of black Catholics in Biafra region of Nigeria, the slaughter of civilian population of East Pakistan. I am not surprised to note that they had no sympathy for the suffering of Tibetan people and they took the sinful action to formulate a new US foreign policy that involved establishing trade, commerce, and diplomatic relationships with Communist China.
POSTED BY GARY BASS
On March 25, 1971, the Pakistani Army launched a devastating military crackdown on restive Bengalis in what was then East Pakistan. While the slaughter in what would soon become an independent Bangladesh was underway, the C.I.A. and State Department conservatively estimated that roughly two hundred thousand people had died (the official Bangladeshi death toll is three million). Some ten million Bengali refugees fled to India, where untold numbers died in miserable conditions in refugee camps. Pakistan was a Cold War ally of the United States, and Richard Nixon and his national-security advisor, Henry Kissinger, resolutely supported its military dictatorship; they refused to impose pressure on Pakistan’s generals to forestall further atrocities. My new book, “The Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger, and a Forgotten Genocide,” tries to reconstruct this dark chapter of the Cold War, using declassified documents, investigative reporting, and countless hours of White House tapes, including about a hundred newly transcribed conversations. Thanks to the secret taping system that he installed to record his own blunt conversations, Nixon inadvertently left behind the most transparent Administration in American history. The tapes offer the most revealing account of Nixon and Kissinger’s raw thinking. Staffers at the White House and the State Department were often more pragmatic than their principals, so the documents they produced make the Administration appear more moderate than it was. It’s only on the audio tapes that Nixon and Kissinger’s full radicalism is on display. But the White House tapes are maddeningly hard to use. The State Department’s official historians have done excellent work in declassifying some of the most sensitive discussions, but to this day, particularly embarrassing portions of the tapes are bleeped out on the basis of specious national-security concerns. (I’ve made my own requests for a mandatory declassification review of these bleeps under the terms of an executive order.) The tapes remain a largely untapped resource, in part because they are enormous, unwieldy, badly organized, often bleeped, crackly, laborious to transcribe, and hard to understand. You can hear Nixon and Kissinger at work in the following audio clip, which is followed by an annotated transcript I made for “The Blood Telegram.” (Some snippets from this conversation are available in a volume of the State Department’s “Foreign Relations of the United States” series, but this is the first full transcript.) This discussion, which also involved the White House chief of staff, H. R. Haldeman, took place not long after the start of the crackdown in East Pakistan. Nixon and Kissinger are having one of their typically prolix and digressive conversations, concentrating this time on foreign policy. The tape is unusually clean: the sound quality is good, and there are no bleeps, though there is some music playing in the background. The clip below begins just as the conversation has turned from the Vietnam War to the possibility of an opening to China. To establish communications with Mao Zedong’s regime, the White House was exploring several clandestine channels, including messages carried to the Chinese leadership by Romania’s Communist despot, Nicolae Ceausescu, and Pakistan’s military dictator, General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan, known as Yahya. The Pakistan channel would soon culminate in Kissinger’s first secret trip to Beijing, in July, 1971. He flew direct from Pakistan, which provided an airplane and a cloak-and-dagger cover story—another reason for the White House to support Pakistan even as the killing continued. WHITE HOUSE TAPES OVAL OFFICE 477-1 APRIL 12, 1971, 10:24-10:33 A.M. NIXON: Now, another thing. I want to know about Yahya and Pakistan.
Nixon had a great personal fondness for Pakistan’s military ruler, who was carrying out the brutal crackdown on the Bengalis. “He’s a decent man,” Nixon repeatedly said, as the death toll mounted.
I want to be sure that we’re not caught in a crack here where State then puts out a whole lot of stuff that they’ve done. Now Bill has not said that he wants to say anything about Pakistan, has he?
The President seems to be making sure that the distrusted State Department would not, on its own, condemn Yahya for killing Bengalis. “Bill” is William Rogers, Nixon’s ineffectual Secretary of State, who had been reduced to near-total irrelevance by his rival Kissinger.
KISSINGER: No. NIXON: Has Sisco?
Joseph Sisco, the headstrong assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern and South Asian affairs, was a particular annoyance to Nixon and Kissinger, who would later call him “a maniac” and “such a whore.”
KISSINGER: No. But it’s out there, out there [indistinct]. The Dhaka consulate is in open rebellion.
American diplomats in East Pakistan, horrified by the slaughter, had been reporting the killing in gruesome detail. On April 6th—just a few days before this conversation—the U.S. consul general in Dhaka, Archer Blood, sent a telegram signed by almost all of the U.S. officials in East Pakistan, formally voicing “strong dissent” from the White House’s pro-Pakistan policy, which they characterized as “moral bankruptcy” in the face of “genocide.” In retaliation, Nixon and Kissinger would soon eject Blood from his post in Dhaka.
NIXON: I understand…[indistinct] I want to know how we can respond to it [indistinct]. We’re going to be…[indistinct] you know what I mean? KISSINGER (emphatically): Mr. President, we’re going to wind up on the worst side if we start backing a rebellion there now.
Though Nixon and Kissinger were discussing actual rebellions in East Pakistan and Biafra, Kissinger was also accusing Blood of “open rebellion” for having sent his formal cable of dissent through official channels. Kissinger would later call Blood “this maniac in Dacca, the Consul General who is in rebellion.”
NIXON: But Bill—but Henry, we did not back the rebellion in Biafra, did we?
Even before the crackdown in East Pakistan began, U.S. officials had warned that the country could descend into the kind of bloody chaos that had recently been seen in Biafra, an oil-rich region of Nigeria that attempted to secede in 1967. The Nigerian government managed to crush the Biafran resistance in 1970. As a candidate for President in 1968, Nixon had denounced genocide in Biafra; by 1971, yesterday’s inaction in Biafra had become a rationale for today’s support of Pakistan.
KISSINGER: That’s right. NIXON: That’s a hell of a lot more reasonable. I know, there are less people in Biafra. Is that the reason? Does morality become—look, there weren’t very many Jews in Germany.
As Nixon knew, Kissinger was one of those German Jews; at least thirteen of his close relatives had been murdered in the Holocaust.
KISSINGER (murmurs): That’s right. NIXON: Was it immoral—was it therefore not immoral for Hitler to kill them?
Nixon, unprompted, is comparing the slaughter in East Pakistan to Biafra and the Holocaust.
KISSINGER (murmurs): That’s right.
Kissinger goes along with Nixon’s comparison of Hitler and Yahya, but still maintains his support for the Pakistani dictator.
NIXON: See, that’s my— [indistinct] And the Biafrans are black— [indistinct] Catholics!
This part is hard to hear, but may be about how Americans ignored the Biafrans because they were black, and about Catholic support for the Biafran cause. As Nixon later said, “Biafra stirred up a few Catholics.”
KISSINGER: Mr. President, if we get in there now— NIXON (cross-talk): It’s ridiculous. KISSINGER: —we get West Pakistan turned against us, and we get—the Bengalis are going to go left anyway.
The State Department had repeatedly noted that the Bengali leadership was quite pro-American, but Kissinger dismisses that.
NIXON: Yeah. KISSINGER: They are by nature left. Their moderate leadership is in jail, maybe they shouldn’t have been put in jail, but that’s the way it is now, and, uh—
Kissinger realizes he’s made a wrong turn, is actually criticizing Yahya, and falls awkwardly silent.
NIXON: I just want to [indistinct]… get a little work… [indistinct] Is that in the West—West Pakistan thing or not? [indistinct] KISSINGER: Why don’t you wait ’til Wednesday, Mr. President, when we have the meeting and then we can get a paper to you. NIXON: All right. KISSINGER: Because I am afraid in the present state of the State Department if you interfere too early— NIXON (annoyed): I’m not interfering, I just want to know what he thinks!
Nixon snaps at Kissinger for the nonstop bureaucratic combat against Rogers. To handle Kissinger’s obsessive feuding with the Secretary of State, the President had Haldeman set up an informal “Henry-handling committee.” In the end, Kissinger drove Rogers out, and claimed both top foreign-policy jobs, national-security advisor and Secretary of State.
KISSINGER: Well, he’s going to submit a paper to us and then you’ll know what you think—what he thinks. NIXON: Oh. He’s going to submit a paper? KISSINGER: Yeah. NIXON: You’re sure he knows I want it? KISSINGER: Oh yes, he knows you want it. No, he’s—Bill is all right.
Kissinger starts to walk back, trying to praise Rogers.
Bill is— NIXON: I just got to know what the hell they think. I mean, I’m not trying to—… [indistinct] I think if we get in the middle of the whole thing [indistinct], it’s a hell of a mistake. KISSINGER: It’s a disaster. No one else is doing it. NIXON: Look—let’s face it. The people that bitch about Vietnam bitched about it because we intervened in what they say was a civil war.
This was one of Nixon’s most potent arguments to silence Americans who were outraged by the suffering in East Pakistan. Democrats like Ted Kennedy, the White House argued, were simply trying to drag the United States into another civil war in Asia.
KISSINGER: That’s right. NIXON: Now some of those same bastards, like… [indistinct] want us to intervene in Biafra. And some of those same people want us to intervene here. Both civil wars. Real civil wars. Now what in the hell are we talking about? KISSINGER: They want us to cut out economic aid to West Pakistan. NIXON (surprised): For what reason?
Kissinger is careful to defend U.S. aid to the Pakistani military government, despite the atrocities. Blood had argued that the bloodshed in East Pakistan was a very good reason to cut off economic aid to Yahya.
KISSINGER: It’s—pure doctrinaire reasons. Because India is screaming in turn, because they’re scared to death of their own Bengalis. Deep down the Indians don’t really want an independent East Pakistan, because within ten years of that the West Bengalis are going to start bringing pressure on them for autonomy. It’s a classic situation for us to stay out of. There’s nothing for us in there to take sides in this. And for us to cut off aid will infuriate the West Pakistanis.
Millions of Bengalis in India were deeply shocked by the killing of their brethren across the border in East Pakistan. The Indian state of West Bengal, unstable and impoverished, was already a headache for the Indian government—and the crackdown in East Pakistan sent some ten million refugees fleeing into India’s border states, above all into West Bengal. This left the Indian government fearful of further unrest in the state, and desperate to find a way to get the refugees to return home. India secretly sponsored Bengali guerrillas fighting back against Pakistani troops. Finally, in December, 1971, India and Pakistan would fight a brief fourteen-day war, ending with an Indian victory and the creation of the new country of Bangladesh. Unlike Blood and the other Americans in Dhaka, Kissinger seems not to realize that the loss of so many Bengali lives might impact American foreign policy. For all his mastery of the use of American leverage, he nevertheless rules out the possibility of applying any pressure on the Pakistani military.
Photograph by Frederic Lewis/Hulton Archive/Getty
Nixon and Kissinger: A Forgotten Genocide in Bangladesh
The Homepage URL of The Unknown Soldier of America is blocked by Facebook
WHO IS WHOLE DUDE?
WholeDude.com, ‘The Unknown Soldier of America’ represents the Tibetan Resistance Movement that is affiliated to Special Frontier Force, a military organization created by the United States, India, and Tibet. Tibet declared its independence on February 13, 1913 and had signed the McMahon Treaty with India after the Simla Agreement of 1914. The Republic of India came into its existence on January 26, 1950, after India won its independence on August 15, 1947. India did not annul or void this Treaty and holds it as a valid agreement between two neighboring nations.
WholeDude.com, ‘The Unknown Soldier of America’ represents the Tibetan Resistance Movement that is affiliated to Special Frontier Force, a military organization created by the United States, India, and Tibet. Tibet declared its independence on February 13, 1913 and had signed the McMahon Treaty with India after the Simla Agreement of 1914. The Republic of India came into its existence on January 26, 1950, after India won its independence on August 15, 1947. India did not annul or void this Treaty and holds it as a valid agreement between two neighboring nations.
The word ‘Whole’ as an adjective describes quality of being healthy, sound, auspicious, not broken, not defective, entire, undivided, complete, containing or constituting the entire amount, or having all of its natural elements. The word ‘Whole’ is also used as a noun to describe a thing or entity that is complete in itself and which lacks none of its parts. Whole Dude is a phrase that refers to Whole Man in all aspects of one’s being, including physical, mental, social, moral, rational, creative and spiritual. Man exists because of functional unity of the entire system and may not be divided into its parts like body, mind, and soul which have no independent existence of their own.
WholeDude.com is the official page of SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE- ESTABLISHMENT No.22-VIKAS REGIMENT for I am inspired by the Organization’s esprit de corps that transformed me into a ‘Soldier for Life’ and I am not a ‘Soldier for Hire’.
About WholeDude.com I describe myself as ‘The Unknown Soldier of America’ as my military service in Special Frontier Force-Establishment No.22-Vikas Regiment is kept as a secret by the US, India, and Tibet.
About WholeDude.com I describe myself as ‘The Unknown Soldier of America’ as my military service in Special Frontier Force-Establishment No.22-Vikas Regiment is kept as a secret by the US, India, and Tibet.
I describe myself as ‘The Unknown Soldier of America’ as my military service in Special Frontier Force-Establishment No.22-Vikas Regiment is kept as a secret by the US, India, and Tibet.I am neither a Mercenary nor a Soldier of Fortune. In fact, the quest for Freedom, Democracy, Peace, and Justice in Occupied Tibet forced me to lead the life of a ‘Slave’ in the United States which proclaims itself as the Champion of Free World.
WholeDude.com ‘The Unknown Soldier of America’ IS THE OFFICIAL PAGE OF SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE- ESTABLISHMENT No.22-VIKAS REGIMENT WHICH RESISTS THE EVIL RED EMPIRE, THE RED DRAGON, COMMUNIST CHINA, THE EXPANSIONIST ASIAN POWER .
WholeDude.com ‘The Unknown Soldier of America’ IS THE OFFICIAL PAGE OF SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE- ESTABLISHMENT No.22-VIKAS REGIMENT WHICH RESISTS THE EVIL RED EMPIRE, THE RED DRAGON, COMMUNIST CHINA, THE EXPANSIONIST ASIAN POWER .
WholeDude.com serves as the official page of Special Frontier Force, a military alliance between the US, India, and Tibet to resist Red China’s Expansionist Policy. As the Doomsayer of Doom Dooma, I am prophesying Beijing is Doomed. I speak of Beijing’s Doom in the words of Prophet Isaiah from The Old Testament Book of Isaiah, Chapter 47, verse # 11:
“Disaster will come upon you that you cannot ward off with a ransom;
a catastrophe you cannot foresee will suddenly come upon you.”
About WholeDude.com ‘The Unknown Soldier of America’, Doomsayer of Doom Dooma prophesying Beijing’s sudden downfall.
About WholeDude.com ‘The Unknown Soldier of America’, Doomsayer of Doom Dooma prophesying Beijing’s sudden downfall.
On Beijing’s Doomsday, there is not one can save her.
The United States Must Evict the Military Occupier of Tibet-The Unfinished Korea-Vietnam War
The United States Must Evict the Military Occupier of Tibet-The Unfinished Korea-Vietnam War.
In my analysis, ‘The Cold War in Asia’ represents the dangers of the spread of Communism to the mainland China. The United States armed intervention in the Korean Peninsula did not prevent the Communist takeover of Tibet in 1950. The United States must recognize the real Enemy and must evict the Military Occupier of Tibet to secure Peace, Freedom, Democracy, and Justice in South Asia.
Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada
Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment
The United States Must Evict the Military Occupier of Tibet. Special Frontier Force VS The Evil Red Empire-Red China .
India-China clash: Diplomats ‘strongly protest’ over border clashes
BBC June 17, 2020, 2:52 PM UTC
The two nations have an agreement that says no guns should be taken within two kilometres of the border
The United States Must Evict the Military Occupier of Tibet. India and China have an agreement that says no guns should be taken within two kilometres of the border.
The Indian and Chinese foreign ministers have exchanged protests over clashes in a disputed Himalayan border area which led to the deaths of at least 20 Indian troops.
India’s Subrahmanyam Jaishankar said China tried to erect a structure inside Indian territory, while China’s Wang Yi said Indian troops attacked first.
But in a phone call both men promised not to escalate the situation.
It was the first deadly clash at the disputed border for at least 45 years.
Soldiers reportedly brawled with sticks and bats but no shots were fired.
China has not released casualty figures. Unconfirmed reports in Indian media say at least 40 Chinese soldiers died. Some Indian soldiers are still believed to be missing.
Earlier Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said the Indian deaths “will not be in vain” and that India would be “proud that our soldiers died fighting the Chinese” in the clash in the Ladakh region on Monday.
Addressing the confrontation for the first time in a televised address on Wednesday, he said: “India wants peace but when provoked, India is capable of giving a fitting reply, be it any kind of situation.”
What did the two diplomats say?
An Indian government statement following the phone conversation said that Chinese troops had tried to put up a structure on the Indian side of the de facto border, the Line of Actual Control (LAC), in the strategically important Galwan Valley.
It described this as “premeditated and planned action that was directly responsible for the resulting violence and casualties” and urged China to “take corrective steps”.
Google Maps view of Galwan Valley
The United States Must Evict the Military Occupier of Tibet. Google Maps view of Galwan Valley
The statement concluded that neither side would take action to escalate matters.
Meanwhile a Chinese statement quoted Mr Wang as saying: “China again expresses strong protest to India and demands the Indian side launches a thorough investigation… and stop all provocative actions to ensure the same things do not happen again.”
“Both sides should resolve the dispute through dialogue, and keep the border safe and tranquil,” he added.
What happened?
The fighting occurred in the precipitous, rocky terrain of the Galwan Valley.
Indian media say soldiers engaged in direct hand-to-hand combat, with some “beaten to death”. During the fight, one newspaper reported, others fell or were pushed into a river.
A satellite image of Galwan Valley shows the rocky and barren terrain
The United States Must Evict the Military Occupier of Tibet. A satellite image of Galwan Valley shows the rocky and barren terrain.
The Indian army initially said a colonel and two soldiers had died. It later said that “17 Indian troops who were critically injured in the line of duty” had died from their injuries, taking the “total that were killed in action to 20”.
“I understand that some [further] Indian soldiers went missing. The Indian side is still working to release them from Chinese custody,” defence analyst Ajai Shukla told the BBC.
Indian forces appear to have been massively outnumbered by Chinese troops.
A senior Indian military official told the BBC there were 55 Indians versus 300 Chinese, who he described as “the Death Squad”.
“They hit our boys on the head with metal batons wrapped in barbed wire. Our boys fought with bare hands,” the officer, who did not want to be named, said.
The clash has provoked protests in India, with people burning Chinese flags.
China has not confirmed how many of its personnel died or were injured. The BBC’s Robin Brant in Beijing says that China has never given contemporaneous confirmation on military deaths outside of peacekeeping duties.
Our correspondent adds that on this occasion China’s propagandists may not want to fan nationalist flames at home by making much of any loss, or admit to a significant and demoralizing loss.
This is not the first time the two nuclear-armed neighbors have fought without conventional firearms on the border. India and China have a history of face-offs and overlapping territorial claims along the more than 3,440km (2,100 mile), poorly drawn LAC separating the two sides.
India shows restraint
Analysis by Geeta Pandey, BBC News, Delhi
The first comments from the Indian government on the violent standoff on the Chinese border came nearly 24 hours after the news broke on Tuesday.
And Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his cabinet colleagues – the defence minister and the home minister – have chosen their words carefully.
Usually boastful and given to grandstanding, Mr Modi and his ministers have displayed utmost restraint in their public messages this time, mostly sticking to mourning the loss of soldiers.
The prime minister did say: “India wants peace but, if instigated, it is capable of giving a befitting reply.” But this is seen as aimed more at his political rivals and supporters domestically, rather than as a warning to Beijing.
How tense is the area?
The LAC is poorly demarcated. The presence of rivers, lakes and snowcaps means the line can shift. The soldiers either side – representing two of the world’s largest armies – come face-to-face at many points.
Border patrols have often bumped into each other, resulting in occasional scuffles.
The last firing on the border happened in 1975 when four Indian soldiers were killed in a remote pass in the north-eastern state of Arunachal Pradesh. The clash was variously described by former diplomats as an ambush and an accident.
But no bullets have been fired since.
At the root of this is a 1996 bilateral agreement that says “neither side shall open fire… conduct blast operations or hunt with guns or explosives within two kilometres of the Line of Actual Control”.
Kashmir map
The United States Must Evict the Military Occupier of Tibet. Kashmir map
But there have been tense confrontations along the border in recent weeks. In May Indian and Chinese soldiers exchanged physical blows on the border at Pangong Lake, also in Ladakh, and in the north-eastern Indian state of Sikkim hundreds of miles to the east.
India has accused China of sending thousands of troops into Ladakh’s Galwan Valley and says China occupies 38,000 sq km (14,700 sq miles) of its territory. Several rounds of talks in the last three decades have failed to resolve the boundary disputes.
There are several reasons why tensions are rising again now – but competing strategic goals lie at the root.
The two countries have devoted extensive money and manpower to building roads, bridges, rail links and air fields along the disputed border.
Both India and China see each other’s construction efforts as calculated moves to gain a tactical advantage, and tensions often flare up when either announces a major project.
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE VS THE EVIL RED EMPIRE : FOR SEVENTY YEARS, TIBETANS HAVE LIVED UNDER MILITARY OCCUPATION . WHAT IS TIBET’S FUTURE? HOW TO EVICT THE EVIL RED EMPIRE FROM TIBET ?
SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE DEMANDS THE UNITED STATES TO RECOGNIZE THE MCMAHON LINE IN KASHMIR
In my analysis, the United States will not be able to support the military mission of Special Frontier Force without recognizing the McMahon Line in Kashmir. On behalf of Special Frontier Force I demand the United States to duly recognize the McMahon Line in Kashmir apart from recognizing it in Arunachal Pradesh to contain China’s military expansionism in Southeast Asia. In the past, China grabbed the Aksai Chin area of Kashmir taking the full advantage of the weakness of the US Policy in Southeast Asia.
Rudra Narasimham Rebbapragada
Special Frontier Force-Establishment No. 22-Vikas Regiment
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for South and Central Asian Affairs Alice Wells: Discussion on India and the Indo-Pacific
REMARKS
THE ATLANTIC COUNCIL
WASHINGTON, DC
Mr. Kempe: Hello, everyone. I’m Fred Kempe. I’m President and CEO of the Atlantic Council and I’m delighted to have you in this virtual room with two of my favorite people, and I’ll get to that in a second, but there are not two more people more knowledgeable in their fields or more accomplished in their work as diplomats.
We talk a lot about social distance. We like to call it Atlantic Council geographic distance because we feel through these meetings we can bring all of you closer together socially and intellectually.
As a reminder, today’s meeting, which is a discussion on India and the Indo-Pacific, is public and on the record.
We are fortunate today to be joined by Ambassador Alice Wells, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs. We’re especially grateful to host Ambassador Wells today. She will be retiring after an enormously distinguished 31 year career serving as a diplomat with the U.S. Department of State this Saturday.
Ambassador Wells assumed her duties as Acting Assistant Secretary for South and Central Asia in June 2017. I’m delighted to say that the Atlantic Council has had the good fortune of working with her and hosting her several times during this tenure.
Prior to her current post, Ambassador Wells served as the U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Jordan, one of the most important positions in that region; a Senior Advisor in the Near Eastern Affairs Bureau in Department of State; Special Assistant to the President for Russia and Central Asia; and much more. During her time in the Foreign Service she served in U.S. embassies in New Delhi, Islamabad, in Riyadh. In short, she knows the world and she knows her stuff.
Alice, please allow me once again to thank you for your distinguished service.
We’re also joined by Ambassador Richard Verma, Vice Chair and Partner to the Asia Group and former U.S. Ambassador to India from 2014 to 2017.
Ambassador Verma has a distinguished career also over the past 25 years, serving across the U.S. government as Assistant Secretary of State for Legislative Affairs, Senior National Security Advisor to the Senate Majority Leader, and as Judge Advocate in the U.S. Air Force.
Our two participants, as I said earlier, are two of the most knowledgeable and accomplished individuals working on India and the Indo-Pacific. I look forward, as we all do on this virtual call, to your conversation. So Alice, Rich, it’s a pleasure to know you and it’s going to be a great pleasure to listen to you.
I think Alice, you’re going to kick us off, Ambassador Wells will kick us off with some opening remarks, and then we’ll ask Rich to moderate the event.
Ambassador Verma:
Let me turn to another frankly tense issue which is the border standoff. As you noted, Indian and Chinese forces often coming into contact with each other perhaps more frequently, even in the last week or so additional security challenges on that front. How much does that worry you? Can you give us a sense, are there de-escalatory measures that can be taken? This 2200 mile contested border presents some real security challenges for the Indian side.
Ambassador Wells: I think for anyone who was under any illusions that Chinese aggression was only rhetorical, I think they need to speak to India where India on a weekly, monthly, but certainly a very regular basis has to experience the pinpricks of Chinese military. It’s a reminder of what’s at stake in building a world order and sustaining a world order that respects sovereignty, territorial integrity, as well as respects the rules of international trade that have allowed, again, so many hundreds of millions to be lifted out of poverty.
We in the United States recognize the McMahon Line.
We’ve always recognized Arunachal Pradesh as an Indian state. We certainly urge India and China on the Line of Actual Control to engage diplomatically to resolve any outstanding differences. But this is, if you look to the South China Sea, there’s a method here to Chinese operations and it is that constant aggression, the constant attempt to shift the norms, to shift what is the status quo, that has to be resisted whether it’s in the South China Sea where we’ve done a group sail with India or whether it’s in India’s own backyard, both on land as well as in the Indian Ocean.
