TIME TO TRUST ALL-POWERFUL GOD - THE FALL OF EVIL RED EMPIRE

TIME TO TRUST ALL-POWERFUL GOD - THE FALL OF EVIL RED EMPIRE

 

US President Donald Trump and China's President Xi Jinping could be among the 'Most-Powerful' men in the world. However, I will not recognize any mortal human being as "All-Powerful."

For I trust in All-powerful God, I can expect 'The Fall of Evil Red Empire' as per the prophecy shared by ISAIAH, Chapter 47, and REVELATION, Chapter 18.

 

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

DOOM DOOMA DOOMSAYER

 

 

 

TIME FOR TRUMP TO TEST THE ALL-POWERFUL XI JINPING

 

By Henry M. Paulson Jr., - OPINION, THE WASHINGTON POST

Clipped from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/time-for-trump-to-test-the-all-powerful-xi-jinping/2017/11/03/cd1423a6-c00a-11e7-959c-fe2b598d8c00_story.html?

President Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping. (Alex Brandon/Associated Press)

Henry M. Paulson Jr., treasury secretary from 2006 to 2009, is chairman of the Paulson Institute and author of “Dealing With China: An Insider Unmasks the New Economic Superpower.”

Many have crowned Chinese President Xi Jinping the most powerful man in the world following the 19th Chinese National Congress of the Communist Party. And, indeed, Xi is a dynamic leader who is transforming China. He has swiftly consolidated his authority to drive an ambitious domestic and international effort to establish China as a modern superpower.

Our preoccupation with Xi’s grand ambitions, however, has led us to neglect the scope of the challenges he and his country face. Simply put, ambition and power are not a substitute for deep and enduring reform, and a leader is only as powerful as the country he leads. As Xi knows all too well, China has serious and growing vulnerabilities. When President Trump visits China next week, he may well find he can leverage these emerging dynamics to advance U.S. interests.

In recent years, Xi has moved to address these challenges with a bold strategy aimed at consolidating the tools he needs to govern. Although he has crafted ambitious economic reform policies, he could not assure that they were implemented on a consistent basis in the provinces. And some of his most important and difficult goals have not been attempted.

During his first term, Xi tightened and made sweeping reforms to the Chinese legal system; took control of, cleaned out and started professionalizing the military; and restructured, centralized and, through an anti-corruption campaign, moved to shore up the domestic credibility of the Communist Party as the country’s primary means of governance.

As the party and the central government take power from the provinces, he has begun strengthening the Beijing bureaucracy’s capacity to manage a nation of 1.4 billion people. At the same time, he has neutralized his opposition and positioned trusted advisers to help implement his agenda.

Thus, Xi enters his second term better able to govern, but serious challenges stand in his way. He faces four major economic risks: overreliance on debt to finance growth; a failing state-owned sector; excess capacity across a range of industries, particularly steel; and the real prospect that markets will be closed to China in the United States and elsewhere if the country does not move more quickly to open its economy to foreign competition.

Xi must address China’s unsustainable accumulation of sub-national debt — much of it created by hundreds of thousands of failed firms kept alive by the state to preserve jobs. China won’t be able to grow out of its debt problem.

If China is to avoid a hard landing, it will need to stem the flow of credit and accept slower growth. The government has indicated its intention to do that, but it will require significant political will. Importantly, it must subject failing firms to the discipline of the marketplace. The longer China waits to deal with these problems the riskier and costlier it will get.

Xi will be increasingly pressed by the United States and other major economies to demonstrate that his government intends to uphold its pledge to lift restrictions blocking foreign competition. And he drags his feet at his own peril because the United States and others are reexamining their open-door policies and demanding greater reciprocity in China. This new attitude will put pressure on China just as Xi most needs the world’s export and investment markets. But competition from the private sector is ultimately the best way for him to address the inefficiencies with China’s state-owned enterprises and its massive overcapacity in steel, which, when exported, will increasingly lead to trade disputes.

Xi, however, seems undaunted and remains confident he can manage all the challenges in front of him. Trump and Xi have developed a good personal relationship. Xi’s new consolidation of power — and ability to use it now to get difficult things done — means Trump may have a greater opportunity on his trip to achieve breakthroughs in the security and economic arenas.

Progress on the most important economic issues has potential to build the mutual trust that would make it easier to achieve what is by far our top priority: a denuclearized Korean Peninsula. But no nation should trade away its vital interests; North Korean and economic negotiations should proceed at their own pace.

Trump should be strategic and forceful in defense of America’s industries of the future. It is essential that he fight to open markets and achieve a level playing field in sectors where the United States is most competitive — technology, financial services, the Internet, agribusiness, health care, environmental goods and services, autos, and movies. This has the potential to benefit both countries, particularly in the financial services, where China’s underdeveloped financial markets would clearly benefit from some world-class participants.

The United States should also focus on expanding our economic relationship with China to include direct investment, which creates U.S. jobs and ties our economies together in enduring and positive ways. Without increased market access, the path we are on could lead to important parts of the global economy being walled off from competition and trade. This risks hurting both the United States and China, which are the biggest beneficiaries of a rules-based economic order.

Xi’s new platform presents risks for the United States in an era in which there will be increasing security and economic competition. But it also has the potential for further collaboration with a leader who now has greater ability to deliver. It has always been as big a risk to overestimate China’s power as it is to underestimate its potential. Now the same could be said of Xi. Trump should test Xi’s new position of power by pressing China hard for movement on U.S. priorities.

 

 

Created with Microsoft OneNote 2016.

OCTOBER 31, 2017 - BONDAGE OF FREE WILL

OCTOBER 31, 2017 - BONDAGE OF FREE WILL

 

OCTOBER 31, 2017 - BONDAGE OF FREE WILL

 

On Tuesday October 31, 2017 I acknowledge 'The Bondage of the Will' and all of my actions are predestined for I have no ability or freedom to act on my own. To my onlookers it may seem that I am making choices and choosing my actions. I make those choices and choose those actions for God knows my mind and predetermines the external circumstances that compel me to perform actions.

 

 

My human effort to seek recognition for my Identity that I describe as 'DOOM DOOMA DOOMSAYER' is predestined long before I coined that phrase.

 

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

DOOM DOOMA DOOMSAYER

 

 

MARTIN LUTHER POSTS 95 THESES - OCT 31, 1517

 

Clipped from: http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/martin-luther-posts-95-theses?

On this day in 1517, the priest and scholar Martin Luther approaches the door of the Castle Church in Wittenberg, Germany, and nails a piece of paper to it containing the 95 revolutionary opinions that would begin the Protestant Reformation.

In his theses, Luther condemned the excesses and corruption of the Roman Catholic Church, especially the papal practice of asking payment—called "indulgences"—for the forgiveness of sins. At the time, a Dominican priest named Johann Tetzel, commissioned by the Archbishop of Mainz and Pope Leo X, was in the midst of a major fundraising campaign in Germany to finance the renovation of St. Peter's Basilica in Rome. Though Prince Frederick III the Wise had banned the sale of indulgences in Wittenberg, many church members traveled to purchase them. When they returned, they showed the pardons they had bought to Luther, claiming they no longer had to repent for their sins.

Luther's frustration with this practice led him to write the 95 Theses, which were quickly snapped up, translated from Latin into German and distributed widely. A copy made its way to Rome, and efforts began to convince Luther to change his tune. He refused to keep silent, however, and in 1521 Pope Leo X formally excommunicated Luther from the Catholic Church. That same year, Luther again refused to recant his writings before the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V of Germany, who issued the famous Edict of Worms declaring Luther an outlaw and a heretic and giving permission for anyone to kill him without consequence. Protected by Prince Frederick, Luther began working on a German translation of the Bible, a task that took 10 years to complete.

The term "Protestant" first appeared in 1529, when Charles V revoked a provision that allowed the ruler of each German state to choose whether they would enforce the Edict of Worms. A number of princes and other supporters of Luther issued a protest, declaring that their allegiance to God trumped their allegiance to the emperor. They became known to their opponents as Protestants; gradually this name came to apply to all who believed the Church should be reformed, even those outside Germany. By the time Luther died, of natural causes, in 1546, his revolutionary beliefs had formed the basis for the Protestant Reformation, which would over the next three centuries revolutionize Western civilization.

 

 

 

Sent from Mail for Windows 10

 

WORKERS OF THE WORLD UNITE AGAINST CAPITALIST CLASS WITH CHINESE CHARACTERISTICS

 

 

WORKERS OF THE WORLD UNITE AGAINST CAPITALIST CLASS WITH CHINESE CHARACTERISTICS

WORKERS OF THE WORLD UNITE AGAINST CAPITALIST CLASS WITH CHINESE CHARACTERISTICS

 

In my analysis, a new era of Capitalist Class with Chinese Characteristics has usurped power to impose its doctrine of Neocolonialism. I am asking Workers of the World to Unite Against Capitalist Class with Chinese Characteristics. Red China's Plan to impose Social, and Economic Injustice using Force will be rejected by Working Class of all her Colonies.

 

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

DOOM DOOMA DOOMSAYER

 

 

China's Communist leadership has a model of totalitarianism for the 21st century

 

The Washington Post - Opinion

By Jackson Diehl

 

Clipped from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/global-opinions/chinas-communist-leadership-has-a-model-of-totalitarianism-for-the-21st-century/2017/10/29/8b32fb10-ba74-11e7-a908-a3470754bbb9_story.html?

While the Trump White House wallowed in its usual trifling controversies, China’s Communist leadership this month staged what will be remembered as the most important political event of the year, and maybe of the century so far. As the party Congress concluded last week, Xi Jinping was confirmed as most powerful leader in Beijing since Mao Zedong — and he proclaimed the regime’s intention not just to become the world’s leading power, but to establish a new model of totalitarianism.

Xi’s “new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics” was written into the party constitution, making anyone who opposes it an enemy of the state. Its aim is to make China “a leading global power” by 2050, with a “world class military” built to fight and win wars. These aims will be achieved by reinforcing Xi’s dictatorial powers, and those of the party, over every area of life, using cutting-edge technologies like artificial intelligence. It’s a Stalinism for the 21st century.

Perhaps most ominously, Xi envisions his updated police state as a model for the rest of the world. Twenty-five years ago, the liberal democratic system of the West was supposed to represent the “end of history,” the definitive paradigm for human governance. Now, Xi imagines, it will be the regime he is in the process of creating. “It offers a new option for other countries and nations,” he said during a three-hour, 25-minute speech that was its own statement of grandiosity. “It offers Chinese wisdom and a Chinese approach to solving the problems facing mankind.”

Plenty of strongmen and would-be strongmen around the world were likely applauding, from Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdogan to Hungary’s Viktor Orban and, it seems, Stephen K. Bannon. The oracle of the alt-right called Xi’s 30,000-word text “an adult speech to adults,” in contrast to the “Pablum” of John McCain and George W. Bush, who delivered contemporaneous speeches defending democratic values and U.S. global leadership.

It’s worth considering what the world might look like 30 years from now if Xi’s ambitions are realized. A few broad themes stand out:

Concentration of power.

Xi is returning China to the era when a single, emperor-like figure ruled without the constraints of legal checks or term limits. In a break with the practice of the past two decades, no potential successor was named at the congress to the party’s standing committee, meaning that Xi aims to remain in power after his second five-year term as president ends in 2023. At 64, he could conceivably dominate China until 2035, the year he set for achieving many of his goals.

State control of all behavior.

In the past five years, Xi’s regime has wiped out the modest avenues for dissent his predecessors allowed, from human rights lawyers to non-government groups and cautiously critical journalists. Now it is developing a far more ambitious system of social control driven by new technologies. Every citizen will be given a “social credit” rating based on data collected through the Internet, the financial system and public surveillance, which will be stored along with facial images. Those with bad ratings will have good reason to fear being recognized by the regime’s ubiquitous cameras. At last, the overused term “Orwellian” will be accurate.

A global imperial system.

Xi’s “belt and road ” initiative, which will invest hundreds of billions of dollars in infrastructure projects across Eurasia, is meant to create a Beijing-dominated geopolitical block that overshadows the transatlantic alliance. Meanwhile, the regime is seeking to control how it is portrayed even in the West. It has kidnapped dissenters in other countries and sought to suppress critical discussion of China on university campuses. Western journalists who probe corruption are denied visas. If Xi has his way, even countries that remain democratic won’t practice free speech where China is concerned.

Of course, it is possible that Xi is overreaching. As it watches the United States and much of the rest of the West struggle with populist and nationalist movements, the political consequence of the last crisis of capitalism, the Chinese elite may overestimate the attraction of their totalitarian alternative. Centralized control of society and the stifling of individual freedom led China and other Communist nations to catastrophe in the late 20th century; Xi’s bet that a modified, technologically updated system can work in the 21st century could easily fail.

It would nevertheless be dangerous not to take China’s strongman seriously. He is imagining a world where human freedom would be drastically curtailed and global order dominated by a clique of dictators. When a former chief political adviser to the U.S. president applauds that “adult” vision, it’s not hard to imagine how it might prevail.

Read more from Jackson Diehl’s archive, follow him on Twitter or subscribe to his updates on Facebook.

 

 

Created with Microsoft OneNote 2016.

PICK A NAME FOR CHINA'S XI JINPING - PRESIDENT, KING, OR DICTATOR

PICK A NAME FOR CHINA'S XI JINPING - PRESIDENT, KING, OR DICTATOR

Pick a name for China's Xi Jinping. "Some people might call him the King of China. But he's called president" says President Donald Trump.

Special Frontier Force picked up a name for China's Xi Jinping - 'The Great Dictator of Communist China.' His 'Greatness' overshadows the Greatness of Dictator, Chairman Mao Zedong.

 

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

 

PRESIDENT TRUMP: SOME MAY CALL XI JINPING 'KING OF CHINA'

Clipped from: http://time.com/4998720/donald-trump-kind-china-xi-jinping/

"Some people might call him the king of China. But he’s called president"

President Trump congratulated Xi Jinping in an interview for cementing his power as China’s leader, noting that some people refer to him as royalty and the bond between them is unparalleled.

“He represents China, I represent the USA, so, you know, there’s going to always be conflict. But we have a very good relationship. People say we have the best relationship of any president-president, because he’s called president also,” Trump told Fox Business Network’s Lou Dobbs in an interview that aired Wednesday night.

“Now some people might call him the king of China,” Trump continued. “But he’s called president. But we have a very good relationship and that’s a positive thing.”

Trump’s comments come just days after Xi Jinping not only consolidated his lock on the Chinese presidency for another five years, but had his name enshrined in the national constitution, making him the country’s most powerful leader since Mao Zedong.

Trump told Dobbs he had just spoken with Xi before their interview, but did not provide any details about the call. The White House said in an official readout that the two leaders spoke about cooperation between their countries, which included efforts to rid North Korea of its nuclear weapons, and Trump’s upcoming visit.

But Trump has criticized China in the past. On the campaign trail, he said China was “raping” the United States with its trade deficits, and he has criticized the country for inaction on North Korea since he took office.

 

 

 

Created with Microsoft OneNote 2016.

TRUMP HAS NO EXCUSE FOR NOT MEETING DALAI LAMA

TRUMP HAS NO EXCUSE FOR NOT MEETING DALAI LAMA

 

President Trump has no excuse for not meeting Dalai Lama at The White House. His predecessors had good reasons for meeting Dalai Lama at The White House.

 

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

 

CHINA SAYS NO EXCUSES FOR FOREIGN OFFICIALS MEETING DALAI LAMA

 

Clipped from: https://www.reuters.com/article/us-china-congress-tibet/china-says-no-excuses-for-foreign-officials-meeting-dalai-lama-idUSKBN1CQ057

BEIJING (Reuters) - Foreign leaders can’t think they can get away with meeting exiled Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama just because they are doing it in a personal capacity, as they still represent their government, a senior Chinese official said on Saturday.

The 14th Dalai Lama won in 1989 for "his struggle for the liberation of Tibet" as well as his consistent opposition to the use of violence. REUTERS/Yuan Jia-hung

China considers the Dalai Lama, who fled into exile in India in 1959 after a failed uprising against Chinese rule, to be a dangerous separatist. The Nobel Peace Prize winning monk says he simply seeks genuine autonomy for his Himalayan homeland.

Visits by the Dalai Lama to foreign countries infuriate China, and fewer and fewer national leaders are willing to meet him, fearing the consequences of Chinese anger, though some have tried to placate Beijing by saying they are meeting him in a personal not official capacity.

Zhang Yijiong, who heads the Communist Party’s Tibet working group, told reporters on the sidelines of a party congress that there could be no excuses to meeting the Dalai Lama.

“Although some people say, the Dalai is a religious figure, our government didn’t put in an appearance, it was just individual officials, this is incorrect,” said Zhang, who is also a vice minister at the United Front Work Department, which has led failed talks with the Dalai Lama’s representatives.

“Officials, in their capacity as officials, attending all foreign-related activities represent their governments. So I hope governments around the world speak and act with caution and give full consideration their friendship with China and their respect for China’s sovereignty,” he added.

China took control of Tibet in 1950 in what it calls a “peaceful liberation” and has piled pressure on foreign governments to shun the Dalai Lama, using economic means to punish those who allow him in.

China strongly denies accusations of rights abuses in Tibet, saying its rule has brought prosperity to what was a remote and backward region, and that it fully respects the religious and cultural rights of the Tibetan people.

China also insists that Tibet in an integral part of its territory and has been for centuries.

Zhang, who worked in Tibet from 2006-2010 as a deputy Communist Party boss, said that Tibetan Buddhism was a special religion “born in our ancient China”.

“It’s a Chinese religion. It didn’t come in from the outside,” he said.

Reporting by Ben Blanchard; Editing by Kim Coghill

 

 

Created with Microsoft OneNote 2016.

XI JINPING vs SENIOR ALIEN - BOTH HAVE NO RETIREMENT PLANS

 

 

XI JINPING vs SENIOR ALIEN - BOTH HAVE NO RETIREMENT PLANS

 

 

XI JINPING vs SENIOR ALIEN - BOTH HAVE NO RETIREMENT PLANS

 

Communist China's President Xi Jinping has no retirement plan for China's Communist Party finds no successor. Senior Alien has no retirement plan for he lives in Free World called USA where the US Social Security Commissioner imposes Slavery, Forced Labor, Compulsory Service, Labor Against Will, and Involuntary Servitude withholding payment of monthly retirement income benefits.

However, Senior Alien enjoys Freedom of Speech to oppose "Xi Thought" with his promise of 'Heavenly Strike' on The Evil Red Empire.

 

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

 

XI JINPING'S 'NEW ERA' CHINA A NEW ERA FOR THE WORLD?

 

Clipped from: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-41744675

Carrie Gracie China editor

Image copyright Getty Images

China's new leadership line-up was the last scene to play in the carefully scripted drama of the Communist Party Congress. Yet again Xi Jinping defied convention.

Halfway through one Party chief's decade in power, a leader-in-waiting would normally appear in a red carpet ceremony at the Great Hall of the People.

But the men beside Mr. Xi were all in their 60s and late 50s, too old to be an heir.

Breaking the mould on the succession, as with so much else, is part of the Chinese president's New Era, as he has termed it.

But don't imagine that now the Congress is over, you can forget about Mr. Xi's New Era.

In the clash of political civilizations, he has put China on the offensive.

In his three-and-a-half hour speech to Congress, he set out a vision not just for the five years ahead but for 30, and talked of a socialist model which provides, "a new option for other countries and nations who want to speed up their development while preserving their independence".

At home China is already a surveillance state accelerating its ability to listen to every call and track every face, online posting, movement and purchase. Expect it now to export not just the governance model but the cyber weapons to make that work.

Image copyright Getty Images Image caption Mr. Xi wants China's socialism to be a model for others to follow

Gone is the insistence that China must hide its light under a bushel and be a modest player abroad. Mr. Xi told Congress that China must be a "great power" with a first class military "built to fight".

Winning hearts and minds

But the president's New Era doesn't rely solely on hard power.

Over the past four decades China has built a market economy under a one party state. Now Mr. Xi hopes to correct its flaws to deliver his citizens a better quality of life.

He dreams of an innovative powerhouse driven by well-educated citizens with unshakeable faith in the superiority of their system. His speech to Congress promised more control of the internet to "oppose and resist the whole range of erroneous viewpoints".

But he hopes to win the battle for hearts and minds even earlier and his education minister said schoolchildren would soon begin to study "'Xi Thought'".

The full slogan is "Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era". Behind the rhetoric, this means an enormous centralization of power for Xi and his Party over China's economy and society.

Image copyright Reuters Image caption 'Xi thought' puts Xi Jinping (left) on par with Mao Zedong

Official media have dwelled on the "lies" of western democracy and the failures of capitalism, a system "swamped by crisis and chaos". In the words of one commentary by state news agency Xinhua, "The wealth gap widens, the working class suffers, and the society remains divided".

In absolute GDP, the United States may still be the world's largest economy, but President Trump has withdrawn American leadership on free trade and climate change and Xi's China has neatly stepped into the gap.

A future global leader?

Mr. Xi talks about guiding the international community "towards a more just and rational new world order". The latest Pew opinion survey across 37 countries suggests more people now trust the Chinese leader to do the right thing than the American one.

On its current trajectory, the Chinese economy will overtake the US sometime in the next decade to become the world's largest.

Critics dismiss the challenge of the China model, predicting that rigid politics will cramp innovation and growth will succumb to market distortions. Certainly most countries that make it to the world's rich club go democratic first.

But China has always seen itself as exceptional by virtue of its scale, its history and its culture. Xi Jinping says China's road to a great nation will be "different from that of traditional great powers". He is no keener to adopt what he sees as American values than the US is to adopt Chinese ones.

Cementing control

Several things follow from this control mission. Firstly, the values of liberal democracy are by definition the enemy. The appeal of free media, independent judiciary and pluralistic civil society are discredited wherever possible. In fact, since Mr. Xi came to power, public discussion of these values has become taboo in China.

By contrast, Mr. Xi is expanding his formal and informal control network through Communist Party cells. They now operate not just in domestic companies but in more than two thirds of foreign invested ones on Chinese soil. All foreign economic engagement in China is increasingly on the Party's terms, permitted only in sectors and at a pace which is designed to meet China's interests rather than those of its trading partners.

And for those partners, the debate over how to respond is likely to become more polarized in this New Era.

Mr. Xi's admirers will insist that China's ruling party deserves credit for pulling many millions of its citizens out of poverty and point out that at nearly 7% Chinese growth is one of the engines of the global economy.

Image copyright Getty Images Image caption Mr. Xi wants China center stage in a new world order

His detractors will argue that his Party deserves little credit for an economic miracle won by the hard work and ingenuity of the Chinese people despite its rulers rather than because of them. Some will even point to the rise of Hitler and Stalin as lessons in the cost of not confronting dictatorships.

'Awesome China'?

Four trillion dollars in foreign reserves, and control over the fastest growing consumer market in the world, give Xi Jinping powerful weapons to influence this debate.

Even as the Communist Party unveiled its new leadership on Wednesday, it excluded several major western news organizations from the ceremony.

Officially no reason was given for barring the BBC, Financial Times, Economist, New York Times and Guardian, but unofficially journalists were told that their reporting was to blame. Another sign of Xi's determination to control the message at home and abroad.

As Mr. Xi declares China ready "to move towards center stage in the world", it's not clear whether his mission to control will help or hinder him.

For his public the slogan of the moment is not "Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics For a New Era". It is the far simpler "awesome China" in red and gold on banners, bicycle wheels and social media posts.

Few would deny that China is awesome. But exactly how is in the eye of the beholder. For many Chinese patriots, "awesome China" signals pride. For many outsiders it means admiration. But for others there's an undercurrent of ambivalence and even fear.

The only certainty is that none will be untouched by China in Mr. Xi's New Era.

 

 

Created with Microsoft OneNote 2016.

XI JINPING vs SENIOR ALIEN - BOTH HAVE NO RETIREMENT PLANS

XI JINPING vs SENIOR ALIEN - BOTH HAVE NO RETIREMENT PLANS

 

Communist China's President Xi Jinping has no retirement plan for China's Communist Party finds no successor. Senior Alien has no retirement plan for he lives in Free World called USA where the US Social Security Commissioner imposes Slavery, Forced Labor, Compulsory Service, Labor Against Will, and Involuntary Servitude withholding payment of monthly retirement income benefits.

However, Senior Alien enjoys Freedom of Speech to oppose "Xi Thought" with his promise of 'Heavenly Strike' on The Evil Red Empire.

 

Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada

SPECIAL FRONTIER FORCE

 

XI JINPING'S 'NEW ERA' CHINA A NEW ERA FOR THE WORLD?

 

Clipped from: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-41744675

Carrie Gracie China editor

Image copyright Getty Images

China's new leadership line-up was the last scene to play in the carefully scripted drama of the Communist Party Congress. Yet again Xi Jinping defied convention.

Halfway through one Party chief's decade in power, a leader-in-waiting would normally appear in a red carpet ceremony at the Great Hall of the People.

But the men beside Mr. Xi were all in their 60s and late 50s, too old to be an heir.

Breaking the mould on the succession, as with so much else, is part of the Chinese president's New Era, as he has termed it.

But don't imagine that now the Congress is over, you can forget about Mr. Xi's New Era.

In the clash of political civilizations, he has put China on the offensive.

In his three-and-a-half hour speech to Congress, he set out a vision not just for the five years ahead but for 30, and talked of a socialist model which provides, "a new option for other countries and nations who want to speed up their development while preserving their independence".

At home China is already a surveillance state accelerating its ability to listen to every call and track every face, online posting, movement and purchase. Expect it now to export not just the governance model but the cyber weapons to make that work.

Image copyright Getty Images Image caption Mr. Xi wants China's socialism to be a model for others to follow

Gone is the insistence that China must hide its light under a bushel and be a modest player abroad. Mr. Xi told Congress that China must be a "great power" with a first class military "built to fight".

Winning hearts and minds

But the president's New Era doesn't rely solely on hard power.

Over the past four decades China has built a market economy under a one party state. Now Mr. Xi hopes to correct its flaws to deliver his citizens a better quality of life.

He dreams of an innovative powerhouse driven by well-educated citizens with unshakeable faith in the superiority of their system. His speech to Congress promised more control of the internet to "oppose and resist the whole range of erroneous viewpoints".

But he hopes to win the battle for hearts and minds even earlier and his education minister said schoolchildren would soon begin to study "'Xi Thought'".

The full slogan is "Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era". Behind the rhetoric, this means an enormous centralization of power for Xi and his Party over China's economy and society.

Image copyright Reuters Image caption 'Xi thought' puts Xi Jinping (left) on par with Mao Zedong

Official media have dwelled on the "lies" of western democracy and the failures of capitalism, a system "swamped by crisis and chaos". In the words of one commentary by state news agency Xinhua, "The wealth gap widens, the working class suffers, and the society remains divided".

In absolute GDP, the United States may still be the world's largest economy, but President Trump has withdrawn American leadership on free trade and climate change and Xi's China has neatly stepped into the gap.

A future global leader?

Mr. Xi talks about guiding the international community "towards a more just and rational new world order". The latest Pew opinion survey across 37 countries suggests more people now trust the Chinese leader to do the right thing than the American one.

On its current trajectory, the Chinese economy will overtake the US sometime in the next decade to become the world's largest.

Critics dismiss the challenge of the China model, predicting that rigid politics will cramp innovation and growth will succumb to market distortions. Certainly most countries that make it to the world's rich club go democratic first.

But China has always seen itself as exceptional by virtue of its scale, its history and its culture. Xi Jinping says China's road to a great nation will be "different from that of traditional great powers". He is no keener to adopt what he sees as American values than the US is to adopt Chinese ones.

Cementing control

Several things follow from this control mission. Firstly, the values of liberal democracy are by definition the enemy. The appeal of free media, independent judiciary and pluralistic civil society are discredited wherever possible. In fact, since Mr. Xi came to power, public discussion of these values has become taboo in China.

By contrast, Mr. Xi is expanding his formal and informal control network through Communist Party cells. They now operate not just in domestic companies but in more than two thirds of foreign invested ones on Chinese soil. All foreign economic engagement in China is increasingly on the Party's terms, permitted only in sectors and at a pace which is designed to meet China's interests rather than those of its trading partners.

And for those partners, the debate over how to respond is likely to become more polarized in this New Era.

Mr. Xi's admirers will insist that China's ruling party deserves credit for pulling many millions of its citizens out of poverty and point out that at nearly 7% Chinese growth is one of the engines of the global economy.

Image copyright Getty Images Image caption Mr. Xi wants China center stage in a new world order

His detractors will argue that his Party deserves little credit for an economic miracle won by the hard work and ingenuity of the Chinese people despite its rulers rather than because of them. Some will even point to the rise of Hitler and Stalin as lessons in the cost of not confronting dictatorships.

'Awesome China'?

Four trillion dollars in foreign reserves, and control over the fastest growing consumer market in the world, give Xi Jinping powerful weapons to influence this debate.

Even as the Communist Party unveiled its new leadership on Wednesday, it excluded several major western news organizations from the ceremony.

Officially no reason was given for barring the BBC, Financial Times, Economist, New York Times and Guardian, but unofficially journalists were told that their reporting was to blame. Another sign of Xi's determination to control the message at home and abroad.

As Mr. Xi declares China ready "to move towards center stage in the world", it's not clear whether his mission to control will help or hinder him.

For his public the slogan of the moment is not "Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics For a New Era". It is the far simpler "awesome China" in red and gold on banners, bicycle wheels and social media posts.

Few would deny that China is awesome. But exactly how is in the eye of the beholder. For many Chinese patriots, "awesome China" signals pride. For many outsiders it means admiration. But for others there's an undercurrent of ambivalence and even fear.

The only certainty is that none will be untouched by China in Mr. Xi's New Era.

 

 

Created with Microsoft OneNote 2016.