Thursday, September 7, 2017

THE COLD WAR IN ASIA - INDIA - CHINA FEUD

THE COLD WAR IN ASIA - INDIA - CHINA FEUD


THE COLD WAR IN ASIA - INDIA - CHINA FEUD
Machine generated alternative text:MAP 3 Chinese Ceaasefire Line in 1962 B EST • auung SAM • . DiN'i$ MYANMA Line or actual control to which the Chinese withdrew in 1962 arter ceasefire Chinese claim line ian territory claimed by China
Border disputes and Border conflicts along Himalayan Frontier are mere symptoms of 'The Cold War in Asia'. India - China feud will not be over until and unless the underlying problem is resolved. In the past, the United States fought bloody wars in Korea and Vietnam to contain the spread of Communism in Asia. I speak of 'Unfinished Vietnam War' as that War concluded prematurely without resolving  the problem posed by Communism.
 
Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
DOOM DOOMA DOOMSAYER
 
·         Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
 
 
The Washington Post
As China-India feud ebbs, tiny Bhutan reexamines its place in the world
By Annie Gowen  
 
Asia & Pacific
August 29 at 2:24 PM
A602624E-93D4-42BF-9F3B-D512C4F57B01.jpg
A woman stands near prayer wheels at an eighth-century temple in Paro, Bhutan. (Annie Gowen/The Washington Post)
THIMPHU, Bhutan — During the long weeks soldiers from two of the world's largest armies camped on their doorstep, officials in the tiny Buddhist kingdom of Bhutan maintained a meditative silence.
Government leaders resolutely declined to comment, and even the Bhutanese media largely refrained from covering the standoff, which began in mid-June when Indian troops crossed into a remote plateau claimed by Bhutan and confronted Chinese soldiers preparing to build a road there.
When the respective armies began withdrawing from the Doklam area Monday, the Himalayan nation of just under 800,000 finally exhaled, and analysts said that its temperance had helped defuse tension between the two nuclear-armed powers.
For years, Bhutan — a landlocked nation squeezed between the Tibet plateau to its north and India to its east, south and west — has trod a delicate balancing act between China and its great patron, India, which trains its soldiers, buys its hydroelectric power and gives it $578 million a year in aid.
In the country's capital of Thimphu, India's influence can be seen everywhere — from the army officers jogging on its streets to the laborers on Indian projects to build mountain roads.
"Bhutan is really caught between two sides, and the confrontation at Doklam has brought everything to the surface," said Nirupama Menon Rao, India's former foreign secretary and ambassador to China. "Bhutan has played this game of survival for a long, long time. Nobody does it better than them."
But the dispute caused many in Bhutan to call for the country to reevaluate its close — some say suffocating — relationship with its southern neighbor.
"If India's border closed tomorrow, we would run out of rice and a lot of other essentials in a few days. That is how vulnerable we are," said Needrup Zangpo, the executive director of the Journalist Association of Bhutan. "Many Bhutanese resent this."
The country — with stunning mountain passes, rippling Buddhist prayer flags and ancient temples — was until recently a monarchy, its villages isolated from much of the world for most of the past century. Television arrived in 1999, and even now, only about 60,000 tourists from outside the region visit each year, paying a hefty $250-a-day visa fee during the high season.
E5B9C903-AE87-4B0D-8930-BC6BCB0516B8.jpg
The tiny Himalayan nation of Bhutan was thrust into an international showdown as militaries from China and India were locked in a two-month standoff on a remote plateau in territory claimed by both Bhutan and China. (Annie Gowen/The Washington Post)
Its beloved and progressive fourth king, Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, set the country on the path to democracy in 2008 and popularized the "gross national happiness" indicator, which rates quality of life, preservation of culture and environmental protection over economic output. In a 2015 study, more than 90 percent of residents said they experienced some level of happiness.
Bhutan's long ties with India, by far its largest trading partner, were cemented in 1958, when India's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, traveled through the mountains on a yak. The two countries already had agreed, in a 1949 treaty, that India would guide its foreign policy; the terms were softened and modified in 2007.
Bhutan has an ongoing border dispute and no official diplomatic ties with China, and India has frowned upon any change in this status quo. India cut off a cooking gas subsidy in 2013 because, some analysts said, it feared Bhutan's then-government was growing closer to its northern neighbor. India has long seen Bhutan as an important ally against Chinese expansionism in the region.
EDCE027F-350D-47B6-847D-A9513D87D1C4.jpg
A man spins a prayer wheel at the Memorial Stupa in Thimphu. (Annie Gowen/The Washington Post)
Thimphu is a still-quiet valley town, dotted with traditionally painted homes and apartments, that has modernized rapidly in the past 10 years and recently began having traffic jams.
Many of its younger, educated residents — who followed the China-India conflict on their mobile phones, via social media — said that the weeks-long standoff had raised questions about Bhutan's place in the world and whether the country was being well served by maintaining such a close relationship with India while holding China at arm's length.
Many of the tenants of Thimphu Tec Park, a government-owned business park that opened in 2011 as a symbol of the country's aspirations, took a pragmatic view of China — saying they see it as a potential marketplace for fledgling Bhutanese entrepreneurs. Bhutan has long looked inward, they said, and now needs to start looking outward.
"I think because we are in a global community now, we should have good relations with both China and India," said Jigme Tenzin, the young chief executive of Housing.bt, an online real estate portal. Unlike some of his peers, he cheerfully wears his gho, the robe-like garment that is the country's national dress, including to international conferences, saying it helps set him apart from other Asian entrepreneurs.
When the Tec Park opened, it initially did not do well. But today, it has more than 700 Bhutanese employees, offices for several foreign companies and an incubation center for start-ups. One of the companies is trying to create a children's cartoon in Bhutan's national language, Dzongkha, to compete with the Hindi cartoons broadcast from India.
world
Launching a real estate start-up in a country where only about 37 percent of people are on the Internet has been a challenge, Tenzin says, as the needs of millennial apartment seekers do not always match up with the offerings of older property owners, most of whom are not online. He and his small band of employees ended up having to go door to door with brochures, trying to educate people.
"We're in the middle of one foot in the future and one foot in the past," he said with a laugh. "This transition is killing me."
4B264E01-2D2B-4D7E-92BD-4BCD09F92837.jpg
Three young boys pose for a photo at an eighth-century Buddhist temple in Thimphu, the capital of Bhutan. (Annie Gowen/The Washington Post)
 
Annie Gowen is The Post's India bureau chief and has reported for the Post throughout South Asia and the Middle East.
Follow @anniegowen
 
5ECDB02E-9329-4663-9AE0-1DB7942B8B50.png
 
 
 
Sat Mohabir
5:04 PM EDT
The picture is one-sided if you only look at India's role in Bhutan. China has been making territorial claims against Bhutan one little slice at a time so much so that Bhutan's highest mountain peak was ceded to China. Bhutan has lost significant territory to China already reducing its area from about 47.000 sq. km to about 38,000 sq. km and China still has border claims against Bhutan.  
 
If you think that China will stop claiming Bhutanese territory, you just have to look at the Philippines. "a Philippine lawmaker, Congressman Gary Alejano, released images showing Chinese coast guard, naval, and civilian vessels within a stone's throw of Pag-asa, or Thitu, Island — a significant Philippine possession in the disputed Spratly group. " And this is happening after a friendly relationship was established with Duterte. 
 
Or, you can look at Mongolia. China turned the screws on trade with Mongolia after Mongolia had the audacity to host the Dalai Lama. After Mongolia cried uncle and promised not to invite the Dalai Lama again, trade was normalized. 
 
We can look at the structure of loans China has made to friendly countries and see who is the main beneficiary but we will save that for another day. 
 
In other words, China is not the friendly power that those with rose-colored glasses portray it to be in comparison to India.
 
Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
5:01 PM EDT
The Cold War in Asia: 
 
Border disputes, and Border conflicts along Himalayan Frontier are mere symptoms of 'The Cold War in Asia'. The single-party governance of People's Republic of China with no transparency and public accountability remains the core issue. In the past, United States fought bloody battles in Korea, and Vietnam to contain the spread of Communism in Asia. I speak of 'Unfinished Vietnam War' for that War concluded without resolving the problem.
 
 
·         washingtonpost.com
·         © 1996-2017 The Washington Post
 
Machine generated alternative text:CHINA akarlung asamlung Total: 495 sqKM INDIA Gangt Ma Kangmar Doklam Plateau 269 sqK Haa Samtse uentse Puna rang Dags Damphu (Tsirang) Sarpa 1 Tras Yang mdrup Dhu åri hue _boling Ali r Duar DIA aigao Kokrajhar Bar ta H INA Tra khar Rangia Koch Bihår Disputed areas between Bhutan and China
 
305AF4CA-D694-457F-A0C7-9B1EDA3C7A2D.jpg
 
EEBBE2F9-42F6-4FAB-A7BC-158C7BBBD96A.jpg
 
Machine generated alternative text:, 4'////////Å///i/Å/
 
087F54B4-0678-489C-AA47-06F2FABA5EEC.jpg
 
Machine generated alternative text:ccM
 
 
Created with Microsoft OneNote 2016.


THE COLD WAR IN ASIA - MAO ZEDONG DEAD WRONG IN TIBET

THE COLD WAR IN ASIA - MAO ZEDONG DEAD WRONG IN TIBET



THE COLD WAR IN ASIA - MAO ZEDONG DEAD WRONG IN TIBET
WRONG
Border tensions and border conflicts along Himalayan Frontier are mere symptoms of 'The Cold War in Asia'. It started with Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong's Evil Plan of Expansionism. Mao Zedong 'Dead Wrong' in Tibet. He died but his Evil Plan still survives posing threat to Freedom, Democracy, Peace, and Justice in the entire Himalayan Territory shared by Tibet, India, Bhutan, and Nepal.
Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
Doom Dooma Doomsayer
2598C623-CCDC-4348-8D32-CEE26389848C.jpg
India, China agree to pull back troops to resolve tense border dispute
25CA9E6F-1D56-4FCE-A5D1-502B2EEBC4C5.jpg
In July 2006, a Chinese and an Indian soldier place a barbed wire fence at a border crossing after a meeting between leaders from the two countries. (Desha-Kalyan Chowdhury/AFP/Getty Images)
By Simon Denyer and Annie Gowen
World
August 28 at 10:07 AM
BEIJING — India and China have withdrawn troops from a disputed Himalayan region on the border with China, foreign ministries from the two countries announced Monday, defusing a tense standoff that had threatened to provoke armed conflict between the nuclear-armed Asian rivals.
For the past two months, Indian and Chinese troops had faced off on a plateau in the Doklam area in the Himalayas, after Indian troops moved in to prevent the Chinese military from building a road into territory claimed by India's close ally, Bhutan.
China had repeatedly and furiously denounced the Indian move as a direct infringement of its sovereignty, demanded an immediate and unconditional withdrawal, and warned that conflict was a real possibility if that didn't happen.
[China and India are dangerously close to military conflict in the Himalayas]
On Monday, the two sides announced they had reached an agreement, with India saying its troops were disengaging, and China saying it would redeploy forces in response. By the evening, India said both sides had almost completed their withdrawal.
B2B298B9-A542-455A-822A-8AAA77311149.jpg
But it was not clear from both sides' public statements if Beijing had offered any concessions in return for the Indian withdrawal, such as agreeing to halt the construction of the road. 
China said it would continue to patrol and garrison the area — as well as exercise its sovereign rights.
In a short statement, India's Ministry of External Affairs said the two countries had maintained diplomatic communication over the dispute in recent weeks.
"During these communications, we were able to express our views and convey our concerns and interests," it said. "On this basis, expeditious disengagement of border personnel at the face-off site at Doklam has been agreed to and is on-going."
Later, it confirmed that forces from both sides were pulling back, adding that this process was "almost completed under verification."
China's Foreign Ministry said it was happy to confirm that all Indian "individuals and facilities" have withdrawn to the India side of the border. It also implied it would be reducing troop numbers in response to the Indian redeployment.
"The Chinese frontier defense force will continue to patrol and garrison in the Doklam area," spokeswoman Hua Chunying told a regular news conference. "The situation at the spot has changed, and China will adjust and deploy according to current situation."
Indian troops reportedly clashed with Chinese soldiers on Aug. 15. Tensions have been rising since Indian troops were sent to a remote area of the border in June to block China from building a road. (Reuters)
Hua said China will "exercise its sovereign rights according to the historical treaty and guard its territorial sovereignty." 
China maintains the area in question was listed as on its side of the border under the 1890 "Convention Between Great Britain and China Concerning Sikkim and Tibet."
Neither side, though, was willing to admit to having backed down.
"We remind India to learn the lessons from this incident, tangibly abide by the historical treaties and the basic principles of international law, and to meet China halfway, jointly guard the peace and tranquility of the border areas, and promote a healthy development of bilateral military relations," Chinese Defense Ministry spokesman Wu Qian said in a statement.
India said it had always insisted on resolving the dispute through diplomatic channels. "Our principled position is that agreements and understandings reached on boundary issues must be scrupulously respected," the Ministry of External Affairs said.
An Indian foreign ministry official also told the Associated Press that the two sides had agreed to return to the "status quo," while cable news channel NDTV reported that Chinese bulldozers had been moved away, and road construction stopped, according to its sources — implying that India's demand had been met.
Earlier on Monday, the state-owned China Daily newspaper had warned that India stood "to face retribution" over the incident, arguing that New Delhi was complacent if it thought China was not prepared for military conflict if necessary.
But Beijing will also have wanted to resolve the dispute ahead of a meeting scheduled to take place in China this weekend of heads of state from "BRICS" countries, a bloc composed of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa.
"It's hugely  good news," said Wang Dehua, an Indian studies expert at the Shanghai Institute for International Studies. 
"We have avoided falling into the situation where two major countries with ancient civilizations become hostile enemies," Wang said, while cautioning against declaring the incident a diplomatic victory for China.
He said China would try to address India's security concerns when Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits for the summit but would continue building roads in border areas.
Mao Siwei, former consul general of China in the Indian city of Kolkata, said the statements were deliberately "vague" because of the sensitivity of the issue, and the reluctance of either side to show weakness.
"Judging from experience and common sense, I guess both sides have come to the following agreement: firstly, on principle, China would stop its road building and India would withdraw its troops; secondly, regarding the timing, India would withdraw first and China would withdraw later."
In India, some experts also interpreted the statements — and New Delhi's comments about having raised its security concerns — to mean that China had quietly agreed to stop building the road in question, but would not say so publicly.
"I very much doubt that India would have agreed to withdraw unless it involved, at the very least, a commitment from Beijing that it would halt construction of the disputed road," said Shashank Joshi, an analyst with the Royal United Services Institute in London. 
"In these cases, clarity is the enemy of face-saving," he added. "India will probably be comfortable with China spinning the agreement, because New Delhi is likely to have met its objectives: restoring the pre-June status quo. However, I imagine that India will now be vigilant, as China is likely to conduct more aggressive patrolling in Doklam in the future, having had its claims challenged in such serious fashion."
The tiny Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan was inadvertently swept up into the dispute when Indian soldiers moved from a nearby garrison into territory Bhutan contests with China, to block a road-building crew from China's People's Liberation Army.
A few hundred troops from India and China were eventually deployed in a standoff that has produced harsh rhetoric — mostly from the Chinese side — and sparked a period of tension between the neighbors not seen for decades, analysts have said.
Although India and China have often sparred over the disputed areas along their estimated 2,200-mile border — and fought a brief war over it in 1962 — this clash was unusual because it involved a third country and came at a time when relations between India and China were at a low ebb.
Whether India — long a patron of Bhutan — moved in after coordinating with Bhutanese forces, as the Indians have said, or deployed on their own, as China claims, is the subject of much debate.
The Bhutan government was careful not to make comments and inflame tensions, and, aside from one brief statement from their Foreign Ministry, maintained a calculated silence throughout the dispute.
Gowen reported from New Delhi. Shirley Feng and Luna Lin in Beijing contributed to this report.
E3D8D2DF-8A06-48DB-901E-54BE7361004C.jpg
Simon Denyer is The Post's bureau chief in China. He served previously as bureau chief in India and as a Reuters bureau chief in Washington, India and Pakistan.
Follow @simondenyer
6A128E76-9688-49B8-96E4-B2D3F9B33ECE.jpg
 
Annie Gowen is The Post's India bureau chief and has reported for the Post throughout South Asia and the Middle East.
·         © 1996-2017 The Washington Post
·          
 
 
Created with Microsoft OneNote 2016.


MAO ZEDONG DEAD WRONG IN TIBET

MAO ZEDONG DEAD WRONG IN TIBET

image002.jpg




#TibetCard -Deadly Game - March 10, 1959.jpg MAO ZEDONG DEAD WRONG IN TIBETCommunist China's Eulogy of Ren Rong, Political Commissar of Tibet Whitewashes history of Oppression in Tibet initiated by Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong.Mao Zedong died in 1976 but his policy of Oppression and Suppression of Tibet survives today. Mao Zedong Dead Wrong in Tibet.Rudranarasimham RebbapragadaDOOM DOOMA DOOMSAYERNOTHING RONG IN TIBET – HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHClipped from: ?HYPERLINK "https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/08/24/nothing-rong-tibet"https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/08/24/nothing-rong-tibetChina's Eulogy Whitewashes Past Oppression
Untitled picture The Chinese national flag is raised during a ceremony marking the 96th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China (CPC) at Potala Palace in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, China, July 1, 2017. The Chinese national flag is raised during a ceremony marking the 96th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China (CPC) at Potala Palace in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, China, July 1, 2017.© 2017 Reuters Addressing its abusive past has never been a strength for the Chinese Communist Party, particularly in hotspots like Tibet. If anything, the party has become increasingly strident in defending its record in that region. In 2009, for instance, authorities decided to make March 28, the anniversary of the introduction of
A lifelong soldier, veteran of the 1934-35 Long March and of the anti-Japanese, and Korean wars, Rong became political commissar of the Tibet Military District in 1967. Under Chairman Mao Zedong, he ascended during the Cultural Revolution, one of the bloodiest periods of Communist rule, as a broker between the People's Liberation Army and rival political factions. He would therefore have helped oversee the suppression of the 1969 uprisings across the Tibet Autonomous Region and the imposition of martial law in 1970. Over the course of that campaign, authorities publicly executed hundreds of people, while many thousands were imprisoned or publicly humiliated with

 
Created with Microsoft OneNote 2016.


RED CHINA - TROJAN HORSE OR JACKASS

RED CHINA - TROJAN HORSE OR JACKASS



RED CHINA - TROJAN HORSE OR JACKASS


62E642EE-00B7-4AFD-9F6F-5F311840083C.png
Red China's global ambitions cannot be trusted because of her One-Party Governance with no Public Accountability and Transparency. I describe Red China's Communist Face using terms such as Evil, Aggressor, Public Enemy No. 1,Tyrant, Occupier, Subjugator, Wicked, Cunning, Jackal, Expansionist, Neocolonialist, Obstructionist, Jackass, and Trojan Horse.
 
Rudranarasimham Rebbapragada
Doom Dooma Doomsayer
 
CHINA'S GLOBAL AMBITIONS: ARE THERE LESSONS TO BE LEARNT FROM TIBET?
 
 
5158FA34-204B-4D40-BE6E-72C6CACDF743.png
The man who replaced the Dalai Lama as the head of Tibet's government-in-exile has brought a troubling message to Australia. The Chinese military forcibly annexed Tibet in the 1950s, sending the Dalai Lama into hasty exile in India. The Dalai Lama retains his role as spiritual leader. But the Tibetan diaspora elected Lobsang Sangay as their political leader six years ago. He spoke at the National Press Club in Canberra earlier this month. The Harvard-educated lawyer's message to Australia: "It happened to Tibet - you could be next."
This is a disturbing idea, but surely a fanciful one? As president of the Tibetan government-in-exile, Sangay's main agenda is to stir international empathy for Tibet. Encouraging us to identify with Tibet, putting us in Tibet's shoes, is surely a clever technique for achieving his aim.
Does have anything to support his assertion? His case: "If you understand the Tibetan story, the Chinese government [before the military takeover] started building a road – our first ever highway in Tibet.
"Now, we were promised peace and prosperity with the highway, and our parents and grandparents joined in building the road. In fact, they were paid silver coins to help them build the road…
F6FC0439-85E8-4487-BAAE-A61EEC771855.png
"So my parents told me the Chinese soldiers with guns were so polite, so nice, the kids used to taunt them and taunt them, they always smiled. They never said anything. Then they built the road. Once the road reached Lhasa – the capital city of Tibet – first trucks came, then guns came, then tanks came. Soon, Tibet was occupied. So it started with the road.
"Then another strategy that they deployed was divide and rule, co-opting our ruling elite... They were paid, I think, in Australian context, huge consultation fees." This brought knowing guffaws from the Australian audience.
"So," Sangay concluded, "what you see in Australia and around the world – co-optation of ruling elites, getting high consultation fees, business leaders supporting the Chinese line of argument, and even the religious figures – we have seen all that in Tibet. So it started with the road."
And he compared China's current international infrastructure project with that road: "So that was the consequence of One Belt, One Road in Tibet."
One Belt, One Road is President Xi Jinping's signature foreign policy project. So far, 68 countries have signed up to the mighty vision of an interconnected system of road, rail, ports and bridges embracing most of the world's population and connecting Europe to Asia and the Pacific through China on land and at sea.
BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE r-q-äJ NAVIGATING A WORLD OF NEW OPPORTUNITIES THROUGH HONG of WORLD poputA"0N 63 / 30/ Of WORLD GOP 35/ O OF WORLD
However, this is just a beginning; One Belt, One Road was only launched formally in May. Beijing's plan ultimately encompasses more than 100 countries and at an estimated total cost of between $US1 trillion ($1.26 trillion) and $US4 trillion or more. China has offered to link it with Australia's Northern Australia Infrastructure Fund, although the Turnbull government has so far declined.
1BA5C3D7-8FAF-4313-99EE-47CED21C5642.png
In the weekend edict from Beijing clamping down on Chinese foreign investment for fear of excess capital flight, Xi's government nonetheless encouraged Chinese firms to redirect their money into projects in the One Belt, One Road plan.
Could Chinese infrastructure be a Trojan horse for Chinese takeover of foreign countries? In May, Pakistan's English-language newspaper Dawn exposed a detailed, 231-page Chinese plan for its 15-year infrastructure rollout in Pakistan. The newspaper's Khurram Husain described it as "a deep and broad-based penetration of most sectors of Pakistan's economy as well as its society by Chinese enterprises and culture".
In Australia, some of China's proposed infrastructure investments have been prohibited on national security grounds. Last year the Turnbull government blocked a $10 billion Chinese plan to buy into NSW power distribution company Ausgrid. China's Huawei communications firm has been barred from any investment in Australia's National Broadband Network. And, as Fairfax's David Wroe reported on the weekend, the federal intelligence agencies are troubled by Huawei's buy-in to the proposed 4500 kilometer fiber optic cable connecting the Solomon Islands to Sydney. They fear it is a Chinese state-sponsored effort to find a backdoor into Australia's critical infrastructure.
A Chinese firm's purchase of the Port of Darwin raised deep concerns in Washington. Ructions over the decision moved the federal government to change the way the Foreign Investment Review Board reviews proposals - the board is now chaired by a former head of ASIO.
 
Chinese soldiers with fixed bayonets attend the flag-raising ritual at dawn in Tiananmen Square.
Chinese soldiers with fixed bayonets attend the flag-raising ritual at dawn in Tiananmen Square. 
Is Sangay right? Geremie Barme, former head of ANU's Centre for China in the World, is both deeply knowledgeable about China and highly skeptical of its party-state apparatus. He says that Sangay is wrong on two counts. First, says Barme, it's a "false comparison" to put Tibet with Australia and other countries in the Chinese worldview. "China went into Tibet to extract resources and for military reasons, it was not a big market for China," says Barme, now an independent scholar and publisher of chinaheritage.net. "China as an economic and political entity is deeply implicated with global economics and politics and it needs not only resources, it needs markets." Tibet was about resources, in other words, while it sees most of the rest of the world as markets.
D7F010C3-C107-4A85-AFA4-9F5528163B7E.png
Second, the Chinese ruling class has not yet decided the scope of their global ambitions, according to Barme. "There is a debate in China at the moment - what responsibilities will they take in the world, and what can they afford?
"They have been studying the US imperium closely for 70 years, and studying why the Soviet Union collapsed. They do know that imperial expansion comes at a very heavy price, and are they prepared to pay that price? They don't know yet. They do debate it."
Depending on China's choice, Lobsang Sangay will turn out to be either a far-seeing prophet or Chicken Little.
Peter Hartcher is the international editor.
 
Created with Microsoft OneNote 2016.